Merits and Drawbacks of Central Bank Independence Essay

Merits and Drawbacks of Central Bank Independence - Essay Example Money is important in the economy of a country due to the several functions it serves. Since central banks are charged with critical roles, it becomes challenging for most countries to decide whether the mandate of the central bank should fall under the control of the executive or whether the institution should operate autonomously and independently. This paper discusses focuses on the independence of central bank and discusses the merits and drawbacks that are associated with an independent central bank. The theoretical case for central bank independence is founded on the notion that price stability is critical and is the main objective of any monetary policy. However, politicians of a country are mainly not interested in fully safeguarding this major objective of the monetary policy since their concern is focused on the short term and politically dependent central banks. To address this, it becomes vital that the main objective of monetary policy is entrusted to agents that have a long term focus and who are not politically elected by the masses. Theoretically, central bank independence is considered to a solution to three major problems. First, this is considered to have the capacity of making it difficult for fiscal authority and policy to have relative dominance on the monetary authority and policy. Additionally, based on the models of political business cycles and partisan cycles, central bank independence is considered to provide protection to society against the distortions th at business or partisan cycles can result into. Finally, basing on the dynamic inconsistency theory, central bank independence is considered an effective way of addressing dynamic inconsistencies in monetary policy.

Elimination of Television Jerry Mander Essay Example for Free

Elimination of Television Jerry Mander Essay Four Arguments for the Elimination of Television Jerry Mander thinks that with television â€Å"there is ideology in the technology itself. † The four claims in this particular article are that: (1) television itself had come to define the people who use it, (2) the forms by which it is used, (3) its influence on people, (4) as well as the other significant outcomes that may later come from its use. He argued that television is a medium or a means through which people derive, process, and build ideas from. He used parallelism in his challenge or rebuttal argument when he likened television to the army. The army’s mandate is to fight wars that necessitate fighting, killing, defeating and winning over the enemy. It does not follow that the generals chosen to lead the army are the kind born to fight and kill, the same way that television was not conceived to breed the kind of people who watch it. In the concept of the automobiles, he used the climatic word order in his narrative argument. He enumerated the consequences of the invention of the automobile, the need for gas, oil to source it, refineries to process the oil, stations to pump gas into the car. Mander used emotive language in his causal argument to emphasize the change cars brought to people, like when â€Å"they evolved into car people †¦. Cars replaced human feet. † Television like the automobile triggers a lot of reaction from its existence and subsequent use. Advertisements are made on television because consumers watch TV, manufacturers make big sales because their products are advertised, and the line goes on. This argument is related to Mander’s take on Advertising. The evaluative argument on the comparison of television to advertising used a balanced sentence with equal and parallel ideas, when Mander wrote that advertising was â€Å"designed to persuade and dominate by interfering in people’s thinking patterns. † Television for its part has a strong influence on people to take a side of an issue, or to change their minds on others. In his concluding argument he takes the strong position of getting rid of television quickly if ours is to be restored to a sensible and rational and free-thinking society basis the above reasons. Reference Mander, Jerry. (1978). Four Arguments for the Elimination of Television. Harper Perennial.

Theories of Feminist Geography

Theories of Feminist Geography Does a feminist geography need be primarily concerned with the lives of women? In relation to the essay title, according to Dias et al (2008), Hesse- Biber (2012) and McDowell (1992), there are significant diversity and heterogeneity among feminist geography and its research, with no single methodology or epistemology. Therefore, instead of viewing feminist geography as a static sub-discipline, feminist geography should be examined by looking at a wide range of work produced by feminist geographers addressing the issues found in different contexts, with varying research aims. By examining existing studies, this essay aims to demonstrate the fact that some aspects of feminist geography have, in fact, been primarily concerned with lives of women in a socio- spatial context. Subsequently, this essay also aims to demonstrate that feminist geography did not engage exclusively with the lives of women; by examining practices within the geography discipline, associated with the discipline’s exclusion of female, feminist geographer have offered important insights for geographers in understanding gender bias embedded in geography, and has facilitated the re-evaluation of geographic knowledge and practices among scholars. According to Dixon et al (2014), feminist geography is primarily concerned with improving women’s lives by identifying, and to develop an understanding of the sources of women’s oppression, as well as the dynamics and spatiality of the oppression. This description of feminist geography is mirrored by work produced by feminist geographers that has adapted Marxist theory in examining the relations among economic development, space and gender under capitalism (Pratt, 1994). These feminist geographers were focusing on the social- spatial exclusion of suburban households’ female members from paid employment, which was an important element in reproduction of labour power, and has provided insights to how traditional gender relations in capitalistic societies are continued and preserved (Pratt, 1994; Mackenzie et al, 1983; Hawkesworth 2006; Seccombe 1974; Beechey 1977; Eisenstein 1979; Nelson, 1986; Massey, 1984; Chant et al, 1995; Hanson et al, 1995; Gerstein, 1973). F eminist geographers have argued that the isolation of women from employment a strategy that is vital to manage the effects of capitalist economy; it reproduces the dominant- subordinate that is essential to the operations of capitalist production (Hawkesworth 2006; Eisenstein 1979; Beechey 1977; Pratt, 1994). The isolation also facilitates daily and generational reproduction of labour power, plus it leads to the creation of a labour force, which consists of women who are willing to be working for less than substantive wages (Mackenzie et al, 1983; Pratt, 1994; Seccombe 1974; Hawkesworth 2006; Beechey 1977; Nelson 1986; Eisenstein 1979; Massey, 1984; Chant et al, 1995; Hanson et al, 1995; Pearson, 1986). This was demonstrated in Nelson’s (1986) and Hawkesworth’s (2006) study, as he mentioned that in 1970s, capitalist in the United States had relocated to suburban locations in aiming to employ, or further exploit, according to Marxist perspectives, housewives who are mor e inclined to work despite the less than substantive wages. It has also been revealed that governmental policies, working-class household strategies, as well as traditional male power exercised in both families and trade unions are interplaying factors facilitate the isolation of women as housewives to inhibit or minimize employment opportunities available to women (Mackenzie et al, 1983; Hawkesworth 2006; Seccombe 1974; Eisenstein 1979; Nelson 1986; Pratt, 1994; Massey, 1984; Hanson et al, 1995; Gerstein, 1973). These literatures by feminist geographers are fundamentally linked to the lives of women (Johnson, 2007; Pratt, 1994; Hanson et al, 1995; Seccombe, 1974). By using women’s lives as point of departure, they have identify the consequences of the exclusion of women from employment; creation of female labour that are more prone to be subjected to capitalistic exploitation, enabled by traditional gender and social relations which constitute capitalism, in conjunction with patriarchal gender relations, which have contributed to the redefining of the spatial distribution of women’s social and economic activities in urban areas. However, feminist geographers did not engage exclusively with the lives of women. Feminist geographers are also concerned with development of geography, in relation to the exclusion and isolation of female scholars from the discipline, and how this has affected geographic research and thought. As Morin (1995: 1) has described, the theme of these studies is ‘â€Å"gender of geography† rather that the â€Å"geography of gender† ’. Under this theme, feminist geographers have highlighted the fact that geography is a male- dominated discipline (Rose, 1993; Dixon et al, 2006; LeVasseur, 1993). As suggested by Dixon et al (2006), women have been excluded from higher education from late nineteenth to early twentieth century; early universities mainly consists of upper- class white men. During that period of time, female are mainly found in the field of teaching and helping professions, and are mostly absent in the disciplines and institutions that have contributed to the establishment of modern geography, such as geology and â€Å"expert† societies, such as Royal Geographical Society (Rose, 1993; Dixon et al, 2006). These â€Å"expert† societies were heavily involved with the establishment of geography as a discrete academic discipline, by defining geography’s investigation agenda and methodologies, as well as establishing programs in university (Dixon et al, 2006). Since these societies had entry requirements based on peer nomination and work assessment, it was difficult for women to join such societies, as their works are often dismissed as non- scholarly (Dixon et al, 2006). As a result, these institutions had a disproportionately large numbers of male members (Rose, 1993; Dixon et al, 2006). As female are not able to negotiate in this field of study due to institutional discrimination , white men were able to almost exclusively define what constitute as the norm in the discipline, which has allowed masculinist thinkin g to thrive and flourish in geography (Rose, 1993; Dixon et al, 2006). A number of scholars have pointed out as men have associated themselves with attributes or descriptions in their studies on landscape, such as culture, intellectualism, practicality and mobility (Rose, 1993; Pile, 1994; Berg, 1994). The adaptation of dualistic worldview that was assumed to be objective and scientifically sound has meant that women are therefore associated with nature, body and emotionalism (Rose, 1993; Berg, 1994; Lloyd, 1984). Further, masculinist thinking believes that men are capable of rational thought, whereas women are not, as â€Å"female-ness† was thought of as the lack of â€Å"maleness† (Jay, 1981; Massey, 1998; Longhurst, 2000; Lloyd, 1984; Bordo, 1986; Berg, 1994). Together, these beliefs have helped to establish a hierarchical, binary opposition between mind and body; culture and nature; men and women, with the latter assumed to be inferior and less important (Pile, 1994; Rose, 1993; Berg, 1994; Lloyd, 1984). Dualistic world views have also meant that, according to masculinist thinking, men are traditionally associated with public spaces, due to their association with waged work, which requires mobility and intelligence (Dixon et al, 2006; Rose, 1993; Longhurst, 2000; Berg, 1994). Therefore in contrast, women are typically associated with private spaces due to their traditionally assigned role as care- taker at home (Dixon et al, 2006; Rose, 1993; Longhurst, 2000; Bordo, 1986). Men self- proclaimed attributes, facilitated by dualistic world views have facilitated the formation of a hierarchy in geography in relation to gender (Rose, 1993). The hierarchical opposition signifies that spaces that are typically associated with female, reproduction activities are deemed as less important and less valued when comparing to spaces that are associated with men and their waged production activities (Dixon et al, 2006). Dixon et al (2006) has demonstrated that geographer has thus focus their studies on male productive activities , such as steel manufacturing, rather than investigating reproductive activities that are traditionally associated with women, such as day care for example. As stated by Dixon et al (2006), this bias is reproduced in the discipline across multiple research area. This argument demonstrates the problems underlying geography; the focus on production relative to reproduction within geography signifies the existence of a knowledge gap within the discipline, in regard to areas associated with female economic and social activities. Furthermore, this can discourage scholars, who aim to examine or carry out research in fields associated with female activities, to engage with geography due to concerns over the research prioritization mentioned above, and turn to other disciplines that they feel their research will be valued (Dixon et al, 2006). Together, these diminish the scope of geographic investigation, further reducing any potential knowledge that would have been produced and incorporate d within the discipline of geography, which lead to the diminishing of the academic significance of geography, and this urges the re-thinking of geographic practices, in order to minimize bias due to the discipline’s masculinist legacy (Dixon et al, 2006; Pile, 1994; Monk et al, 1982). In conclusion, the works of feminist geographers examined in this essay have all shared a common theme- the exclusion of women and the consequences, in different contexts or settings. In some aspects of feminist geography, feminist geographers have directly engaged with the lives of women; studies have attempt to undercover ways in which women are oppressed under capitalism, and to demonstrate how women’s lives, in regards to their economic opportunities, are limited as a result of the exclusion from employment. However, this essay has also demonstrated that there are existing studies in which the primary concern is the development of discipline, under the influence of limited female participation. They have highlighted that the discipline’s lack of female involvement, which has facilitated the flourishing of traditional masculine thinking as dominant discourse in geography, has in turn lead to the production of biased knowledge and skewed research approaches that const itute geography- this remained to be an internal, innate problem that results in the narrowing of the scope of study, and has imposed limits on the production of geographic knowledge. The problems highlight above, by feminist geographers, can perhaps urge geographers to rethink their research priorities and focuses, to avoid the induction, or reproduction of masculine- orientated bias in geography, to overcome the legacy of male- domination in order to facilitate wider, more depth understanding of space/ place and social relations and activities. Together, these studies have confirmed that there is significant diversity among feminist geography; feminist geographers have addressed a range of issue or concerns that relate to gender bias or inequality in different contexts. Thus it can be said that the â€Å"primary concern† cannot therefore be generalized into one subject of concern. Reference Karen Dias Jennifer Blecha (2007) Feminism and Social Theory in Geography: An Introduction , The Professional Geographer, 59(1): 1-9 LeVasseur, M (1993) Finding a Way: Encouraging Underrepresented Groups in Geography: An Annotated Bibliography. Indiana, PA: National Council for Geographic Education Rose, G. (1993) Feminism and geography: the limits of geographical knowledge. Cambridge: Polity Press. Massey, D. (1998) Blurring the binaries? High tech in Cambridge. In Ainley, R. (ed.) New frontiers of space, bodies and gender, London: Routledge Morin, K (1995) The Gender of Geography. Postmodern Culture. [Online] 3:2 Available at: http://pmc.iath.virginia.edu/text-only/issue.195/review-3.195[Accessed: 19 February 2015] MacKenzie, S; Rose, D (1983) Industrial change, the domestic economy and home life. In Anderson J; Ducan, S; Hudson, R (eds.) Redundant Spaces in Cities and Regions? Social Geography and Industrial Change. London: Achedemic Press Dixon, D.P.; Jones III, J.P. (2006) Feminist Geographies of Difference, Relation, and Construction. In Aitken, S; Valentine, G (eds.) Approaches to Human Geography. International: SAGE Linda McDowell (1992) Doing Gender: Feminism, Feminists and Research Methods in Human Geography. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers New Series, 17(4): 399-416 Beechey, V. (1977) Some notes on female wage labour in capitalist production. Capital and Class, 3, Autumn : 45-66 Eisenstein, Z. (1979) Developing a theory of capitalist patriarchy and socialist feminism. In, Eisenstein, Z. (ed.) Capitalist Patriarchy and the Case for Socialist Feminism. New York: Monthly Review Nelson, K. (1986) Female labour supply characteristics and the suburbanization of low-wage office work. In Scott, A; Storper, M (eds) Production, work, territory: the geographical anatomy of industrial capitalism. Boston and London: Allen and Unwin Pearson, R. (1986) Latin American women and the new international division of labour: a reassessment. Bulletin of Latin American Research, 5(2): 67-79 Chant, S.; McIlwaine, C. (1995) Gender and export manufacturing in the Philippines: continuity and change in female employment? The case of the Mactan Export Processing Zone. Gender Place and Culture 2(2): 147-76 Nelson, K. (1986) Female labour supply characteristics and the suburbanization of low-wage office work. In Scott, A; Storper, M (eds) Production, work, territory: the geographical anatomy of industrial capitalism. Boston and London: Allen and Unwin Massey, D. (1984) Spatial divisions of labour. London: Macmillan Hawkesworth, M.E. (2006) Feminist Inquiry: From Political Conviction to Methodological Innovation. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers Unversity Press McDowell, L (1992) Doing Gender: Feminism, Feminists and Research Methods in Human Geography. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers New Series, 17 (4): 399-416 Seccombe, W (1974) The Housewife and Her Labour under Capitalism. New Left Review, 83: 3-24 Pratt, G (1994) Feminist geographies. In Johnston, R; Gregory, D; Smith D (eds) The Dictionary of Human Geography (3rd edn) Oxford: Blackwell Hanson, S; Pratt, G (1995) Gender, Work, and Space. New York: Routledge Pile, S (1994) Masculinism, the use of dualistic epistemologies and third spaces. Antipod 26(3) : 255-277 Johnson, L. C. (1994) What future for feminist geography? Gender, Place Culture: A Journal of Feminist Geography, 1(1): 103-113 Gerstein, Ira 1973 Domestic Work and Capitalism, Radical America , 7 (45)101-128. Longhurst, R (2000) Geography and gender: masculinities, male identity and men. Progress in Huma Geography 25(3) :439-444 Berg, L. D. (1994) Masculinity, place and a binary discourse of ‘theory’ and ‘empirical investigation’ in the human geography of Aotearoa/New Zealand, Gender, Place Culture. A Journal of Feminist Geography 1(2): 245-260 Bordo, S.(1986) The Cartesian masculinization of thought. Signs 11 (3): 439–456 Jay, N. (1981) Gender and dichotomy. Feminist Studies 7(1): 38-56 Lloyd, G. (1984) The Man of Reason: male and female in Western philosophy. London: Methuen Janice, M; Hanson, S (1982) On not excluding half of the human in human geography. The Professional Geographer 34(1): 11-23 Hesse-Biber, S.N. (2012) Feminist Research: Exploring, Interrogating, and Transforming the Interconnections of Epistemology, Methodology, and Method. In Hesse- Biber, S.N. (ed.) Handbook of Feminist Research: Theory and Praxis (2nd edn) International: SAGE

Employment Problems in the US Essay -- Work Corporation Job Loss Unemp

Employment Problems In The U.S. Downsizing, restructuring, rightsizing, even a term as obscure as census readjustment has been used to describe the plague that has been affecting corporate America for years and has left many of its hardest working employees without work. In the year 2001 we had nearly 1.8 million jub cuts, that’s almost three times as much as the year 2000(Matthew Benz). In the 1990's, one million managers of American corporations with salaries over $40,000 also lost their jobs. In total, Fortune 500 companies have eliminated 4.4 million positions since 1979 including the 65,000 positions cut in February of 2002 (Ellen Florian). Although this downsizing of companies can have many reasons behind it and cannot be avoided at times, there are simple measures a company can take to make the process easier on the laid-off employees and those who survive with the company. There are many reasons why a company might need to downsize. In today's corporate America, it is a plain fact that far fewer employees are necessary to maintain a successful operation. Many times, it is the case where a technological advance or breakthrough makes it possible to replace a previously human job. It is also an all-too-common scenario that outside influences such as sudden shifts in the market or changed government policies force corporate executives to make coinciding decisions regarding their staff and these external changes. The fall in interest rates and energy prices have helped companies control spending in the economic recession, but controlling these costs has taken some of the focus away from there employees and satisfying there wants and needs (Economist Vol. 362). Yet another problem facing the employment of our citizens. Another one of the major problems in today's business world are the salaries being paid to the workers. Since employers are not paying their workers high wages, the workers have little to put back into the economy. Some cities have decided to make mandated pay raises for employees who have been with firms for so many years. It would also guarantee that employees make well above poverty levels to insure that more money is being put back into the economy (Eric Roston). This causes the system to plummet and forces companies to downsize to keep from going under. Wall Street firms cut positions in order to bring the Dow Jones Security ... ...ortunities for growth and skill development. After a restructure, there are many ways an employee can grow vertically and horizontally within their company. Since so many positions are eliminated in such a process, the remaining employees sometimes need to learn new skills and adapt to handling greater amounts of work than ever before. While this may be an inconvenience at first, these skills and abilities can assist these people in future job searches.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The downsizing process is a fact of life. It affects all people from managers to laid off employees and their families as well as those who remain with the company. It is something that will continue to occur with no end in sight. As long as our world market continues to grow, so too will the concept of downsizing grow. This process can lead to psychological problems, and creates anxiety and frustration for those of both ends of it. This is a problem that most likely will not have an easy solution, or at least not any time soon. It is something that we all must deal with in one way or another, and as for the victims of downsizing, the only thing they can do is try to piece their lives back together and hope for the best.

Collective Bargaining and Labor Relations Essay

CHAPTER 14 Collective Bargaining and Labor Relations Chapter Summary This chapter provides an overview of private-sector labor-management relations in the United States, with brief attention to public-sector differences and international labor relations. After a model of labor-management relations and a context for current relationships are provided, various aspects of the process of collective bargaining are described. Cooperative forms of labor-management relations are then presented. Finally, an explanation is given for how changes in competitive challenges are influencing labor-management interactions. Learning Objectives After studying this chapter, the student should be able to: 1. Describe what is meant by collective bargaining and labor relations. 2. Identify the labor relations goals of management, labor unions, and society. 3. Explain the legal environment’s impact on labor relations. 4. Describe the major labor-management interactions: organizing, contract negotiations, and contract administration. 5. Describe the new, less adversarial approaches to labor-management relations. 6. Explain how changes in competitive challenges (e.g., product-market competition and globalization) are influencing labor-management interactions. 7. Explain how labor relations in the public sector differ from labor relations in the private sector. Extended Chapter Outline Note: Key terms appear in boldface and are listed in the â€Å"Chapter Vocabulary† section. Opening Vignette: Labor Relations and the Bottom Line The main issue in the 54-day strike by the United Auto Workers (UAW) at two General Motors parts plants was job security and whether GM would invest in plants in the United States or continue its effort to cut U.S. employment and shift production overseas to reduce labor costs. The strike postponed all of GM’s plant operations, which caused annual earnings and market share. GM plans to spin off a new unit, which would eliminate 200,000 of UAW workers from the payroll. Ford is thinking about doing the same thing but has postponed the move because of UAW opposition. I. Introduction—Labor-management relations are complex, and many are in transition as competitive challenges force a realignment of management and worker interests. The need for many U.S. companies to become smaller and more efficient translates into actions (job loss) that are at cross-purposes with the interests of union members. II. The Labor Relations Framework (text Figure 14.1 and TM 14.1) A. John Dunlop suggested a labor relations systems that consists of four elements: 1. An environmental context (technology, market forces, etc.). 2. Participants: employees and their unions, management, and the government. 3. A web of rules (rules of the game) that describe the process by which labor and management interact. 4. Ideology (acceptance of the system and participants). B. Katz and Kochan have presented a model that focuses on the decision-making process and outcomes. 1. At the strategic level, management makes basic choices such as whether to work with its union or develop nonunion operations. 2. These labor and management choices made at the strategic level affect interaction at the second level, the functional level, where contract negotiations occur. 3. These strategic decisions also affect the workplace level, the arena in which the contract is administered. III. Goals and Strategies A. Society—Labor unions’ major benefit to society throughout history has been the balancing of power and the institutionalization of industrial conflict in the least costly way. The National Labor Relations Act (NLRA, 1935) sought to provide a legal framework conducive to collective bargaining. B. Management must decide whether to encourage or discourage the unionization of its employees. Based upon issues of wage cost, flexibility, and labor stability, as well as ideology, management must decide. If management has a union, it has the option of supporting a decertification vote, an election in which employees have a chance to vote out the union. C. Labor unions seek to give workers formal representation in setting the terms and conditions of employment. (See text Table 14.1 for categories of provisions in collective bargaining agreements). IV. Union Structure, Administration, and Membership A. National and international unions are composed of multiple local unions, and most are affiliated with the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) (see Table 14.2 in the text for a list). In 1995, three major unions, the UAW, the United Steelworkers, and the International Association of Machinists, announced plans to merge by the year 2000. | | |A related reading from Dushkin’s | |Annual Editions: Human Resources 99/00: | |(â€Å"HR Comes of Age† by Michael Losey | 1. Craft unions are those that organize members of a particular skill or trade, such as electricians or plumbers. Craft unions are likely to be responsible for training programs called apprenticeships. 2. Industrial unions are made up of members who work in any number of positions in a given industry, such as the auto or steel industry. Whereas craft unions may wish to control the number of members, industrial unions wish to maximize the number of members. B. Local unions are frequently responsible for the negotiations of a contract as well as the day-to-day administration of the contract, including the grievance procedure. Typically, an industrial local corresponds to a single manufacturing facility. C. The AFL-CIO is a federation of national unions. It represents labor’s interests in the political process and provides numerous services to its members, in terms of research and education (text Figure 14.2). | | |A related reading from Dushkin’s | |Annual Editions: Human Resources 99/00: | |(â€Å"Labor Deals a New Hand† by Marc Cooper | D. Union security depends upon its ability to ensure a stability of members and dues. Unions typically negotiate a contract clause that defines the relationship it has to employees and that provides for an uninterrupted flow of dues. 1. A checkoff provision is an automatic deduction of union dues from an employee’s paycheck. 2. A closed shop is a union security provision under which a person must be a union member. 3. A union shop requires a person to join the union within a certain length of time after beginning employment. 4. An agency shop is similar to a union shop, but does not require union membership, only that an agency fee be paid. 5. Maintenance of membership requires only that those who join the union remain members through the life of the current contract. 6. Right-to-work laws—As a function of the Taft-Hartley amendment to the NLRA, states may decide to make mandatory union membership (or even dues paying) illegal. E. Union Membership and Bargaining Power—Employers are increasingly resisting unionization. Unions are making new attempts to organize new memberships and to provide new services. Union membership has consistently declined since 1950 and now stands at roughly 10 percent of private-sector employment (text Figure 14.3 and TM 14.2). Reasons for this decline are noted below: 1. Structural Changes in the Economy—These changes include decline in core manufacturing and increase in the service sector. But these changes, according to studies, only account for 25 percent of the overall union membership decline. 2. Increased Employer Resistance—Almost 50 percent of large employers in a survey reported that their most important labor goal was to remain union free. Unions’ ability to organize whole industries has declined, and therefore wages are rarely taken out of competition. Additionally, studies have shown that if a union wins an election, it is frequently the case that managers lose their jobs (see Figure 14.4 for the increase in unfair labor practices filed). | | |Competing by Meeting Stakeholders’ Needs: | |Is Strong Labor Relations Good for Business? | | | |Milwaukee-based Johnson Controls is not looking to cultivate a unionized work force. That is why it endures strikes at its seat| |making factories by UAW workers who were trying to negotiate their first collective bargaining contract with the company. Ford | |has taken a different view because it has begun a strong commitment with the UAW to be a competitive advantage. Ford realizes | |that it is not in the best interests of its employees to accept seats by replacement workers because their relationship with the| |union and respect for the team are too important to them. Finally, Johnson Controls agreed on a contract with the UAW at its | |two plants with help from Ford. | 3. Substitution with HRM—In large nonunion companies, HRM policies and practices may encourage positive employee relations, and therefore union representation is not desired by employees. | | |Competing through Globalization: | |UAW Concedes Defeat at Transplants—for Now | | | |UAW is diverting its attention from the Japanese-owned assembly plants to the German-owned plants because the Japanese are | |turning their backs on the UAW. Transplant operations are tough to implement, but they are continuing to grow in this country | |and employment continues to shrink. Also, the UAW membership is beginning to shrink because it depends on the auto industry for| |its existence. Transplant operations usually offer pay and benefits and the social and political environments don’t support | |unions. BMW and Mercedes-Benz are willing to work with the U.S. auto union because it is easier to organize during economic | |times and they may be able to influence affairs with Germany. BMW pays workers hourly with bonuses as well as using a | |self-directed work team concept. These pay and benefits are attractive to the workers at this company. The union must also | |contend with plant expansions because employees find themselves considering job promotion or at least a move to a more appealing| |work slot. BMW and Mercedes-Benz are expanding both their factories and their payrolls. | 4. Substitution by Government Regulation—Employment laws have been passed that reduce the areas in which unions can make a contribution. 5. Worker Views—The lack of a U.S. history of feudalism and class distinctions has limited the class-consciousness needed to support a strong union movement. 6. Union Actions—Corruption, resistance to obvious economic change, and openness to women and minorities have all hurt the perception of union. V. Legal Framework—Legislation and court decisions that provide the structure within which unions must operate have had an effect upon membership, bargaining power, and the degree to which unions and managements are successful in achieving their goals. The 1935 NLRA enshrined collective bargaining as the preferred mechanism for settling labor-management disputes. Section 7 of the act sets out the rights of employees, including the â€Å"right to self-organization, to form, join, or assist labor organizations, to bargain collectively through representatives of their own choosing, and to engage in other concerted activities for the purpose of collective bargaining.† A. Unfair Labor Practices (ULPs)—Employers: The National Labor Relations Act (1935) prohibits certain activities by both employers and labor unions. Section 8(a) of the NLRA contains ULPs by employers. 1. Employers cannot interfere with, restrain, or coerce employees in exercising their Section 7 rights. 2. Employers cannot dominate or interfere with a union. 3. Employers may not discriminate against an individual for exercising his or her right to join or assist a union. 4. Employers cannot refuse to bargain collectively with a certified union (other examples are given in text Table 14.3). B. Unfair Labor Practices—Labor Unions: These were added by the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act. 1. These ULPs parallel those listed previously. For example, unions may not restrain or coerce employees in the exercise of their Section 7 rights (see Table 14.4 in the text for additional examples). C. Enforcement—The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) has the primary responsibility for enforcing the NLRA. 1. The NLRB is a five-member board appointed by the president. Additionally, there are 33 regional offices. 2. Only businesses involved in interstate commerce are covered by the NLRA and therefore subject to the NLRB. 3. The NLRB has two major functions: a. To conduct and certify representation elections. b. To prevent ULPs and to adjudicate them. 4. ULP charges are filed at and investigated by the regional offices. 5. The NLRB may defer to the parties’ grievance process instead of holding a hearing. 6. The NLRB can issue a cease-and-desist order to halt a ULP. It may order reinstatement and back pay. The court of appeals can choose to enforce the NLRB’s orders. VI. Union and Management Interactions: Organizing A. Why Do Employees Join Unions?—Is it for wages and benefits? Do unions help increase wages and benefits? B. The Process and Legal Framework of Organizing—An election may be held if at least 30 percent of the employees in the bargaining unit sign authorization cards. A secret ballot election will be held. The union is certified by the NLRB if a simple majority of employees vote for it. 1. A decertification election may be held if no other election has been held within the year or if no contract is in force. 2. The NLRB must define the appropriate bargaining unit. The criterion they use is â€Å"mutuality of interest† of employees. 3. Certain categories of employees cannot be included. C. Organizing Campaigns: Management and Union Strategies and Tactics (see text Tables 14.5 and 14.6 for common campaign issues). 1. Table 14.7 in the text and TM 14.3 list employer strategies, legal and illegal, that are used during organizing campaigns. Additionally, note the significant increase in employer ULPs since the late 1960s. 2. The consequence of breaking the law in this situation is minimal, and discrimination against employees active in union organizing decreases organizing success. 3. The NLRB may set aside the results of an election if the employer has created â€Å"an atmosphere of confusion or fear of reprisals.† 4. Associate union membership provides a person who is not part of a bargaining unit with some of the services a full union member receives (access to insurance, credit cards, etc.). This is a strategy unions are trying in order to increase support. 5. Corporate campaigns seek to bring public, financial, or political pressure on employers during the organizing and negotiating process. Example: William Patterson, corporate affairs director of the Teamsters union, attended the 1996 Time Warner Inc.’s annual meeting, where he unsuccessfully pushed a Teamsters proposal to split the chairman and CEO position into two separate positions. The Teamsters pension funds have assets of $48 billion and actively pursue strategies as stockholders to support their positions. VII. Union and Management Interaction: Contract Negotiation—Bargaining structures, the range of employees and employers that are covered under a given contract, differ, as shown in text Table 14.8. A. The Negotiation Process—Walton and McKersie suggested that negotiations could be broken into four subprocesses: 1. Distributive bargaining occurs when the parties are attempting to divide a fixed economic pie into two parts. What one party gains, the other loses. 2. Integrative bargaining has a win-win focus; it seeks solutions beneficial to both sides. 3. Attitudinal structuring refers to behaviors that modify the relationships between the parties, for example, offering to share information or a meal. 4. Intraorganizational bargaining is the consensus-building and negotiations that go on between members of the same party. B. Management’s preparation for negotiations is critical to labor costs and productivity issues. The following steps are suggested: 1. Establish interdepartmental contract objectives among industrial relations and finance, production, and so on. 2. Review the old contract to focus on provisions needing change. 3. Prepare and analyze data on labor costs, your own and competitors’. Data on grievances, compensation, and benefits must be examined as well. 4. Anticipate union demands by maintaining an awareness of the union perspective. 5. Establish the potential costs of various possible contract provisions. 6. Make preparations for a strike, including possible replacements, security, and supplier and customer. 7. Determine the strategy and logistics for the negotiators. C. Negotiation Stages and Tactics 1. The early stages may include many individuals, as union proposals are presented. 2. During the middle stages, each side makes decisions regarding priorities, theirs and the other parties’. 3. In the final stage, momentum may build toward settlement or pressure may build as an impasse becomes more apparent. More small groups are used to address specific issues. 4. Getting to Yes by Fisher and Ury presents four principles of negotiations: a. Separate the people from the problem. b. Focus on interests, not positions. c. Generate a variety of possibilities before deciding what to do. d. Insist that the results be based on some objective standard. D. Bargaining Power, Impasses, and Impasse Resolution—An important determinant of the outcomes of negotiations is the relative bargaining power of each party. Strikes impose various economic costs on both sides and therefore, in part, determine the power. E. Management’s Willingness to Take a Strike—Willingness is determined by the answers to two questions. 1. Can the company remain profitable over the long run if it agrees to the union’s demands? 2. Can the company continue to operate in the short run despite a strike. 3. The following factors help determine whether management is able to take a strike: a. Product Demand—If it’s strong, there is greater potential loss for management. b. Product Perishability—A strike timed with perishability of a crop results in permanent revenue loss. c. Technology—A capital-intensive firm is less dependent on labor for continued operation. d. Availability of Replacement Workers—(Note that the Clinton Administration issued an executive order that at the time of publication was under an injunctive order. This executive order prohibits federal contractors from permanently replacing striking workers). e. Multiple Production Sites and Staggered Contracts—These permit the shifting of work from a struck site. f. Integrated Facilities—If parts are not available from a struck plant, other facilities may be shut down. g. Lack of Substitutes for the Product—A strike is less costly if customers cannot purchase substitute goods. F. Impasse-Resolution Procedures: Alternatives to Strikes 1. Mediation is provided by the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service. While a mediator has no formal authority to force a solution, he or she acts as a facilitator for the parties, trying to help find a way to resolve an impasse. 2. A fact finder is most commonly used in the public sector. The fact finder’s job is to investigate and report on the reasons for the dispute and both sides’ positions. 3. Arbitration is a process through which a neutral party makes a final and binding decision. Traditionally, rights arbitration (the interpretation of contract terms) is widely accepted, while interest arbitration (deciding upon the outcome of contract negotiation) is used much less frequently. VIII. Union and Management Interactions: Contract Administration A. The grievance procedure is a process developed to resolve labor management disputes over the interpretation and implementation of the contract. This happens on a day-to-day basis. 1. The WWII War Labor Board first institutionalized the use of a third-party neutral, called an arbitrator (now, the final step in the grievance process). 2. The effectiveness of grievance procedures may be judged on three criteria: a. How well are day-to-day problems resolved? b. How well does the process adjust to changing circumstances? c. In multi-unit contracts, how well does the process handle local contract issues? 3. The duty of fair representation is mandated by the NLRA and requires that all bargaining-unit members, whether union members or not, have equal access to and appropriate representation in the grievance process. An individual union member may sue the union over negligent or discriminatory representation. 4. Most grievance procedures have several steps prior to arbitration, each including representatives from increasingly higher levels of management and the union (Text Table 14.9 and TM 14.4). 5. Arbitration is a final and binding step. The Supreme Court, through three cases known as the Steelworkers’ Trilogy, confirmed the credibility and binding nature of the arbitrator’s decision. 6. Criteria arbitrators use to reach decisions include: a. Did the employee know the rule and the consequences of violating it? b. Was the rule applied in a consistent and predictable way? c. Were the facts collected in a fair and systematic way? d. Did the employee have the right to question the facts and present a defense? e. Does the employee have the right of appeal? f. Is there progressive discipline? g. Are there mitigating circumstances? B. New Labor-Management Strategies 1. There are signs of a transformation from an adversarial approach to a less adversarial and more constructive approach to union-management relations. 2. The transformation includes increasing worker involvement and participation and reorganizing work to increase flexibility. | | |Competing through High-Performance Work Systems: | |Look Who’s Pushing Productivity | | | |Aluminum Co. of America is working to create a high performance work system within its plant by setting up a labor-management | |partnership and spur productivity, protect jobs, and as using unions as consultants. The International Association of | |Machinists is implementing a revolutionary change in the way unions view cooperation with management. The goal is to protect | |workers’ jobs and pay by making their employers more competitive. By developing expertise in new work systems, unions have a | |chance to make themselves valuable to employers battling today’s intense global and domestic competition. Partnerships can also| |dilute the opposition many executives feel toward unions. However, the most willing unions still battle over wages. The IAM | |has opted for a soft-sell approach, marketing itself as a resource for employers. The one payoff is that unions get mo re jobs | |for its members even if it can’t win election battles against nonunion contractors. | 3. Union leaders have frequently resisted such change, fearing an erosion of their influence. 4. In the Electromation case, the NLRB ruled that setting up worker-management committees was a violation of the NLRA, given certain circumstances (see Table 14.10 for a description of what makes teams illegal). 5. Polaroid recently dissolved an employee committee when the U.S. Department of Labor claimed it was a violation. 6. In a third case, the NLRB ruled that worker-management safety committees were illegal because they were dominated by management. 7. These new approaches (with the boundaries of legality) to labor relations may add to an organization’s effectiveness. Table 14.11 in the text and TM 14.5 illustrate the patterns of traditional and transformational approaches. IX. Labor Relations Outcomes A. Strikes—See Table 14.12 in the text for U.S. strike data. Note that strikes occur very infrequently. B. Wages and Benefits—In 1997, private-sector unionized workers received, on average, wages that were 28 percent higher than nonunion counterparts. 1. The union-nonunion gap is most likely overestimated due in part to the ease of organizing higher skilled (therefore more highly paid) workers. The â€Å"union threat† more than likely causes an underestimation of the differences. The net difference is close to 10 percent. 2. Unions influence the way in which pay is given (across-the-board wages on top of occupational wage rates). Promotions are in large part based on seniority. | | |A related reading from Dushkin’s | |Annual Editions: Human Resources 99/00: | |(â€Å"Off the Tenure Track† by Barbara McKenna | C. Productivity 1. Unions are believed to decrease productivity in three ways: a. The union pay advantage motivates management to use more capital per worker, which is an inefficiency. b. Union contracts may limit work load, and so on. c. Strikes and other job actions result in some lost productivity. 2. Unions, alternatively, may increase productivity: a. Unions provide more efficient communication with management, which may reduce turnover. b. The use of seniority decreases the competition between workers. c. The presence of a union may encourage management to tighten up in terms of consistency on work rules, and so on. 3. Overall, studies have concluded that union workers are more productive than nonunion workers although the explanation is not clear. Example: Between 1978 and 1982, Ford lost 47 percent of sales. Today, Ford uses one-half as many workers to make a car as they did during that period. A major factor in Ford’s increased productivity has been the improvement in their labor-management relationship. Management has made a strong effort to increase employee involvement. The Walton Hills plant outside of Cleveland, Ohio, is given as an example of a change from an adversarial relationship to a more cooperative approach that allowed for a change of work rules which kept the plant open. D. Profits and Stock Performance—These may suffer under unionization if costs are raised. Recent studies have shown negative effects on profit and shareholder wealth. These research findings describe the average effects of unions. The consequences of more innovative union-management relationships for profits and stock performance are less clear. X. The International Context—The United States has both the largest number of union members and the lowest unionization rate of any Western European country or Japan (Text Table 14.13). A number of potential explanations exist. A. The growing globalization of markets (EC common market, NAFTA, etc.) will continue to put pressure on labor costs and productivity. Unless U.S. unions can increase productivity or organize new production facilities, union membership may continue to decline. B. The United States differs from Western Europe in the degree of formal worker participation in decision making. Work councils and codetermination are mandated by law in Germany. XI. The Public Sector—During the 1960s and 1970s, unionization in the public sector increased dramatically. By 1997, 37 percent of government employees were covered by a union contract. Strikes are illegal at the federal level and in many states for government workers. Chapter Vocabulary These terms are defined in the â€Å"Extended Chapter Outline† section. Web of Rules Decertification Craft Union Industrial Union Local Union AFL-CIO Checkoff Provision Closed Shop Union Shop Agency Shop Maintenance of Membership Right-to-Work Laws Unfair Labor Practices (ULPs) National Labor Relations Act, 1935 Taft-Hartley Act, 1947 National Labor Relations Board Associate Union Membership Corporate Campaigns Distributive Bargaining Integrative Bargaining Attitudinal Structuring Intraorganizational Bargaining Getting to Yes Mediation Fact Finder Grievance Procedure Arbitration Duty of Fair Representation Electromation Case Discussion Questions 1. Why do employees join unions? Employees join unions because of dissatisfaction with wages, benefits, working conditions, and supervisory method. Employees believe that collective voice (representation) will increase the likelihood of improvement. Unionization provides a better balance of power between management and employees (as a group). 2. What has been the trend in union membership in the United States, and what are the underlying reasons for the trend? Since 1950, union membership has consistently declined as a percentage of employment to approximately 16 percent of all employment. Students may suggest a number of reasons for this (as discussed in the text): decline in the manufacturing â€Å"core† industries, increase in employer union resistance, more frequently adopted progressive HRM policies, increase in employment legislation, and a lack of union adaptation. 3. What are the consequences for management and owners of having a union represent employees? Various consequences may occur depending on the quality of the union-management relationship. Management may find less flexibility, higher wage and benefit costs, higher productivity, and a negative impact on stock price and profitability. 4. What are the general provisions of the National Labor Relations Act, and how does it affect labor-management interactions? The NLRA provides a detailed list of individuals’ rights regarding organizing a union, bargaining a contract, and involvement (or lack thereof) in job (concerted) actions. These rights are referred to as Section 7 rights. Section 8 lists unfair labor practices for both employers and unions. Students could present and discuss each of these. The NLRB (the primary enforcement agency) was also mandated by the act. The NLRA encouraged unionization in order to provide employees with a balance of power vis a vis employers. It affects labor relations by providing a structure for negotiations and conflict resolution. Students could be called upon to provide some specific examples. 5. What are the features of traditional and nontraditional labor relations? What are the potential advantages of the â€Å"new† nontraditional approaches to labor relations? Traditional labor relations can be characterized as adversarial in nature. Negotiations are generally win-lose, and grievances tend to be settled at the third and fourth levels of the process. Nontraditional labor relations include an emphasis on problem-solving and win-win negotiations. Grievances may be more frequently settled informally at the first step. Additionally, employees may be involved in team efforts and participate in decision making. 6. How does the U.S. industrial and labor relations systems compare with systems in other countries such as those in Western Europe? The U.S. industrial relations system has a very low relative union density rate. The union wage premium is higher in the United States. Western European unions have a much higher level of formal worker participation in decision making. Web Exercise Students are asked to visit UAW’s web site to read about and answer questions about their recent mergers. †¢ www.uaw.com End-of-Chapter Case A Floor Under Foreign Factories? The global economic crisis is turning up the heat on companies that use cheap overseas labor, and as a result many companies are taking action like Nike, Inc. Nike lifted wages for its entry-level factory workers in Indonesia by 22 percent to offset that country’s devalued currency and other companies are finding ways to fix these problems without being undercut by rivals. The American Apparel Manufacturers Association (AAMA) introduced a task force to set guidelines for companies to police their factories and suppliers. In addition, the Council on Economic Priorities launched a program toward labor relations by having companies self-regulate even in the face of negative publicity about sweatshops, which could in turn create a floor of basic working conditions evolving around the globe. The plan is to establish the Fair Labor Association (FLA), a private entity to be controlled 50-50 by corporate and human-rights or labor representatives. The FLA would accredit auditors, such as accounting firms, to certify companies as complying with the code of conduct, and inspect about a fifth of a company’s factories for certification. This plan however needs to address wages and unionization rights in order to be successful. These two efforts can pose a problem for companies who still want to deal with sweatshops because human-rights groups will continue to expose the companies that use this technique. Questions 1. From labor’s point of view, what challenges does the â€Å"mobility of capital† create of protecting worker’s rights? From labor’s point of view, the challenges are: decent wage levels, appropriate standard of living, and job security. 2. Should companies be obligated to pay a â€Å"living wage† to workers? What would the likely consequences be for workers? To avoid exploitation by companies, â€Å"living wages† certainly makes sense. It also treats employees as assets rather than cheap labor. 3. If international labor standards are to be enforced, what is the best means? Should enforcement take the form of self-regulation by industry groups or should national governments cooperate in enforcing such standards? If international standards are to be enforced, they should be consistent and similar for the whole international market. This way it will be easier to monitor and control when there are discrepancies or when there is check-ins in the factories. National governments should take a cooperative approach in this arena to make sure things are going as planned and companies are complying with standards. 4. As a consumer, do the conditions under which people work matter to you in choosing a product to buy? Answers will vary. For the most part, most consumers will not think about where the products came from or where they were made when deciding on whether to purchase a certain product. The people that will take this issue into consideration would probably be the human-rights groups or other informed and concerned consumers; however, many people do not understand or are well informed about such issues. Additional Activities Teaching Suggestions Students are frequently quite interested in how labor relations work. Additionally, they may have fairly strong opinions about unions and their effectiveness. Discussions are therefore quite easy to start and keep going. Below are a number of activities that can be added to the text material. One role play is included that allows students to try out the first step in a grievance procedure. The HBR case on the clerical and technical employees organizing campaigns gives students a good chance to think about how HRM policies and practices truly play a role in employee relations. Two of the â€Å"Competing through† boxes have discussion questions listed. Finally, the Saturn end-of-part case is very useful with this chapter, illustrating the benefits of a constructive joint union-management relationship. 1. Competing through Quality Discussion Questions: †¢ Certainly strikes bring about hostile attitudes in many cases. What strategies can management use to defuse these feelings once people are back at work? †¢  · Given the Electromation case, how careful does management need to be in using teams as a quality improvement technique? 2. Competing through Globalization Discussion Questions: †¢ What types of strategies should U.S. organizations use when dealing with labor relations in other countries? What information do they need and with whom should they staff the labor relations positions? †¢ Will unions ever move to have a multinational structure like many organizations do? Why or why not? You may wish to have students do some library or Internet research on this question. 3. An interesting case from the Harvard Business School is listed below with questions for discussion. This may be assigned to groups as a written case analysis or used in class to discuss and illustrate a number of points regarding why employees join unions and what sort of union organizing techniques are used. Case 9-490-027: Clerical and Technical Workers Organizing Campaign at Harvard University (A) Case 9-490-081: Part (B) Teaching Note (5-490-083) Supplement (9-490-081) This case describes a successful organizing drive among clerical and technical workers at Harvard. The union (HUCTW) relied on unusual strategies: espousing cooperation, avoiding specific demands, emphasizing the need for worker voice, and making use of volunteer organizers. Discussion Questions 1. Should Harvard oppose unionization? 2. How would a union affect the university’s â€Å"business† needs? 3. How effective were Harvard’s campaign tactics? 4. What did you learn about managing human resources from reading and analyzing this case? 5. The Saturn case presents a labor-management relationship (as well as a plant design process) designed from the ground up as a cooperative, joint interaction. After covering this chapter, students should be well prepared to discuss the demands placed upon both the union and management in a situation like Saturn’s. The case provides some focus on the political riskiness of a cooperative relationship for the union-elected officials. In the Saturn case discussion, it would be useful to note the difference between beginning a new operation in which the union-management relationship is based on â€Å"jointness† and trust and the effort needed to change a relationship in which trust has not existed in the past. 6. Assign the following article from The Wall Street Journal (May 24, 1993): â€Å"Why Ms. Brickman of Sarah Lawrence Now Rallies Workers† by Kevin Salwen. Note also that as part of the AFL-CIO’s new â€Å"union summer program,† more than 1,600 young people, mostly college students, have applied for pro-labor candidates and help organize workers. Ask the students to discuss this quote: â€Å"Every successful social movement in history, including the civil rights movement, was run by young people. If the labor movement is going to succeed and grow again, they need to be a big part of it.† 7. A role play is useful in talking about the grievance procedure. Using the following scenario, assign the roles of union steward, supervisor, employee, and observer to students in groups of four. Give them 20 minutes to try to resolve the issue informally, but if they are unable to, have them â€Å"write it up† as a grievance. Those groups that do resolve it may hand in their resolution. Observers should provide feedback to the students in the other roles on interpersonal skills, empathy, listening, idea generation to resolve the issue, and so on. It is Friday afternoon in the special-order fabrications section of the Caseville plant. As the supervisor Mary Reed is checking work orders, she notes that there is one order that has not been handled, and delivery is due the next week. Clearly, Mary is going to have to find several people to work a second shift on overtime. Under the Caseville-Local 484 contract, overtime must be distributed by seniority. The supervisor quickly pulls her seniority list from the file and, beginning at the top, walks around her area talking to the employees and asking about their interest in overtime immediately after the current shift ends. After talking with five men, Mary has only one who will work. Quitting time is five minutes away, and the whereabouts of Brooke Youngblood is not known (Brooke is next on the list). In desperation, Stevens asks three employees standing at their benches who are about to leave. Two of these people agree to work (both are junior to Brooke). That afternoon and evenin g the order is completed. Monday morning, upon arrival, Brooke is greeted and asked about his weekend. It turns out that he had taken a trip into the city with his son for a major league baseball game Friday afternoon. The tickets had been purchased a month before, and the special event was a birthday present. In the course of the discussion, Brooke learns about the overtime and realizes he hadn’t been asked about it by his supervisor. He immediately calls his union steward, Carry Stevens. A discussion ensues.

Oslo Accords and the period 1993-1994 The WritePass Journal

Oslo Accords and the period 1993-1994 Abstract Oslo Accords and the period 1993-1994 Abstract 1 Brief history of the Oslo accords1.1 Introduction1.2 What this meant for Palestine and Israel1.3 The right to exist Reactions from differing sides of the conflict2.1 Israel and Palestine2.2 How the Oslo Accords affected the world2.2.1 Responses in USA2.2.2 Arab States2.2.3 European countriesConclusionBibliographyRelated Abstract The Oslo Accords of 1993 had profound potential for both the Palestinians and the Israelis. This essay examines the underpinnings of the Oslo accords alongside the impact that the process had on the rest of the world. With the evidence illustrating the complex nature of the peace plan, this essay will of use to any researcher looking into the Middle Peace process. 1 Brief history of the Oslo accords 1.1 Introduction The Middle East has been the source of war and conflict for generations, with leading statesmen and peacemakers from around the world trying to solve the issues. The Oslo accords marked an effort by the Palestinians and the Israelis to come together in order to promote peace and understanding between the struggling factions[1].   With the United States lending their support to the crafting of an inclusive framework, the Oslo Accords were meant to provide a path to peace for the both of the nations.   The Oslo Accords made historical changes in the world, including the creation of the Palestinian National Authority, or PNA[2].   This recognition by Israel created a means to justify the self-rule of the Palestinian region.   Israel agreed to pull much of its military and civilian population from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. As a condition of the Oslo Accords, the Palestinian Liberation Organization or PLO formally recognized Israel and their right to exist[3].   In turn, the Israelis officially acknowledged that the PLO was the representative of the population of Palestine. This step forward led to the re-patriotism of leaders and the promise of hope for the immediate future.   Leadership for the Palestinian organization was headed by Yasser Arafat, long exiled from his homeland by Israel[4].   Israel was represented by Yitzhak Rabin a man known for the capacity to create opportunities out of difficult situations.   With the assistance of prominent allies, there was a real concerted effort to create this five year avenue to peace, and bring about a resolution to the long running conflict. 1.2 What this meant for Palestine and Israel The Oslo Accords created the potential for a breakthrough in the gridlock experienced by Palestine and Israel[5].   On several levels the points in the accords brought both entities into what they perceived as a better position.  Ã‚   The accords were made up of several elements, including the withdrawal of the occupying Israeli forces, economic partnership and fundamental regional development[6]. Each of these components was designed to enhance the perception of balance and partnership in order to bring peace to the area.   Yet, others credit the Israeli with crafting a policy that allowed them to gradually institute a more personally favourable policy over time[7].   Many international critics cite the uncertain nature of the period allowing the Israeli government to capitalize on the unorganized nature of the PLO leadership[8]. For both Palestine and Israel the Oslo Accords meant a great deal of change and adjustment in order to achieve the best perceived results[9].   Enhanced cooperation created the first element that was meant to bring the parities closer together, yet served to only highlight the deep divisions. Secondarily, Israel would be able to reduce their standing military while nominally retaining judicial authority over the region[10]. Not only would this component reduce the drain on Israeli defence funds, it would create the perception of action to coincide with the rhetoric.   A long time hallmark of the dispute between the entities was the presence of the military to bolster Israel’s position and strength[11].   In many cases, the blatant presence of ham handed tactics only served to drive the opposition to great lengths[12]. Palestine would not only experience the drawdown of Israeli troops in the disputed zone, but would be accorded the right of a sovereign to have their own law enforcement authority as a result of the Oslo Accords[13]. This extension of basic national rights heralded a fundamental shift away from previous policy and signalled the potential for growth in the relationship.   The partnership of the accords meant that both nations would share information and appoint officials in order to maintain day to day governance[14].   This gradual integration and recognition of political and regional officials, by both parties, continued to ensure that each one was completely aware of what the other was doing.   Yet, as a consequence of Israel’s military strength and capacity, the outside security issues would continue to be relegated to their authority, which in turn gave the Israel continuous influence in the region[15].   While both parties gave ground, each one received a substant ial boost from cooperating with the effort. Overall, the Oslo Accords attempted to focus the peace effort in eh Middle East in order to benefit the entire region. With the recognition of Israel’s right to exist as well as the concession of the PLO representing the Palestinians there were fundamental steps forward. With clear benefits, politically, militarily and economically there was incentive to participate in the process with the clear hope of finally bringing calm to the region. 1.3 The right to exist Both Israel and Palestine have argued about the legitimacy of one another’s nations[16]. The very creation of the Israeli state following World War II out of the Palestinian occupied area was not recognized by the PLO as being a working entity.     The Palestinians were not recognized or allowed the right to exist by Israel[17].   This issue was a key element of the Oslo Accords, which was designed with the specific intention of reducing tension and resolving the long running conflict.   In their efforts to defy the Israeli independence, the Palestinian had cast the creation of Israel as illegal and refused to recognize the nation[18].     With no recognized nation residing where Palestine now rests, Israel was not under any compunction to recognize the region as an independent nation.   In both a cultural and religious manner, the two separate areas of the Palestine Mandate as created by the United Nations was designed to accommodate the Jew’s and the sta teless Arabs that were currently making their home upon the region[19].   Originally claimed by the Ottoman Empire, following World War One, the states of Lebanon, Jordan, Syria and Iraq with Jordan make up the majority of the Palestine Mandate.   At the time of Israel’s formation utilizing the remaining portion of the Palestinian Mandate, the UN created a non-Arab state in a region deeply adverse to such a government[20].   This fact alone caused the Arab states in the area to deny the state of Israel.   Following the founding of Israel with a declaration of war by their neighbours, there has been an unending determination on the part of Arab nations to destroy the Jewish Israel[21].   The Middle East was in a state of constant turmoil until the early 1990’s and the steps toward the Oslo accord. As a loose collection of Arabs, many Israelis claim that the remainder of the Palestinian Mandate belongs to the nation of Israel[22].   Lacking a clear sovereign or national infrastructure weakens the Palestinian claim to statehood and self-determination. Alongside the absence of the remaining criteria including a permanent population, defined territory and the capacity to conduct operations with other governments, the Palestine entity was under constant pressure to find a means to be recognized as a state in its own right[23] . With the Oslo Accords, Israel recognized the PLO as the representative of the Palestinian people. Conversely, the PLO authority recognized Israel’s right to exist as a nation and both pledged to diminish the use of violence in their pursuit of their objectives[24].   With these letters of mutual recognition both parties felt justified in accepting one another as serious regional partners and moving forward. Reactions from differing sides of the conflict 2.1 Israel and Palestine The reaction was varied and violent for both the Palestinian and Israeli factions[25].   Internal elements within the region contributed to the heightening of tensions in the region as a response to the accords.   Israelis[26] found themselves supporting the Oslo peace process on the left wing with very strong and sustained opposition coming from the right wing of the government. The emotion that the decision engendered was only exacerbated by the perceived violent transgressions credited to the Palestinian supporters[27].   There was a deep division of mistrust and bias on the part of both governments. The division in Palestine was very similar in nature, in that the Accords split the group into factions[28].   With powerful groups both lined up to promote the Accords and others intent on tearing apart the process, there was little agreement to be had as to the direction.   The groups that included the Hamas led the effort to discredit and destroy the effort[29].   This effort to diminish the potential of the peace accord led to many violent outcomes over the course of the next decade.   During the period of 1993-1999 there was an estimated 4000 terrorist attacks directly credited to Hamas, with a death toll of over a thousand Israelis, that starkly illustrates the turbulent nature of the Middle East region.   Yet, during this same period, the Israelis have been credited with consistently stoking tensions in the region utilizing settlements and the overpowering military might that the nation has developed[30].   While the infrastructure of the Oslo Accords was designed to allow each of the partners the space to work and grow, the result was degeneration into factional fighting that only served to lead the Middle East further down the path to continued unrest. 2.2 How the Oslo Accords affected the world The efforts to stabilize the Middle East were pivotal to the world during the 1990’s[31].   This was a deeply emotional experience for much of the world, as a method of peace was finally within reach[32]. With the end of the Cold War and the need to ensure oil production, the Middle East played a major role in the capacity of the international community to come together in a peaceful and progressive manner. 2.2.1 Responses in USA America was a deeply involved partner in the development of the Oslo Accords[33]. Following the failure of the Camp David Accords and the election of democratic President Clinton, there was a real sense of opportunity that provided the drive to encourage the exchange of ideas. President Clinton took a personal hand in the development of the peace process, overseeing the historical handshake between Yitzhak Rabin and Yasser Arafat that was heralded as the point of a new beginning in the region[34].   In a very real way, the American Nation tried hard and put a substantial portion of their prestige on the line as the United States President attempted to unlock one of the thorniest issues to emerge in modern memory. 2.2.2 Arab States The Oslo Accords were a matter of great angst for the nearby Arab nations of the Middle East[35]. With some factions voicing the practical view that the agreement was necessary in order to ensure peace in the region, there were the converse citizens that were not only opposed but violently opposed to the entire framework. In turn, this created a highly volatile situation following the initial adoption of the accords[36].   With supporters of both sides willing to do whatever it took to succeed in their goals, the state of the region was thrown into disarray and uncertainty.   This period witnessed a servere anti Jew reaction within the entire region of Arab states[37]. 2.2.3 European countries By and large the European nations felt that the Oslo Accords would be a benefit to a worldwide peace and acceptance of the Israeli nation[38].   Not only were the prospects of a calm Middle East attractive to the more developed nations, the overall furthering of the international peace process was seen has a sign of the times.   With some allies including Norway assisting Israel in the extreme, the efforts to find a solution to the generation’s old conflict was felt to be within reach[39].   Yet, factions that opted for violence were a constant threat to derail the peace process both, within and without the European region[40] Conclusion This essay has illustrated the deep issues that served to separate and divide the region once known as the Palestine Mandate.   With so many impacts on the both the religious and social elements around the world, peace in the Middle East is a long held dream. This essay examined the role of the Oslo Accords and the impact that it has had on the world with several interesting results. The Oslo Accords were a fundamental shift away from the patterns of the past, with an effort to focus on a brighter future. Beginning with the formation of Israel and the displacement of the Palestinian Arabs, the simmering violence has only served to diminish the opportunities for the population to thrive.   Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin, with the assistance of key allies including the United States and Norway fashioned an infrastructure that had the potential to guide the warring factions toward a harbour of peace.   The bitter divide that exists with each of the entities is credited with derailing the Oslo Accord process in the selfish pursuit of short term gains. With the Middle East playing a major role in the world economic, social and religious progression, there is a need for a method for lasting peace in the region. Each effort to attain this peace will add to the overall probability of success. While the Oslo Accords may not have accomplished everything that they set out do, the effort provided the first steps toward some form of resolution.   The lesson that trying to find peace without the majority of the population to support the effort will likely end in failure will enable a means to finding a better way forward.   In the end, it will not be a single set of accords or laws that will make the difference, it will be the recognition by both factions that they each have a right to not only exist, but be happy that will provide the means to reach the next level of civilization in the region. Bibliography Armstrong, K. 1996.  One city, three faiths. London: HarperCollins. Atran, S., Axelrod, R., Davis, R. and Others. 2007. Sacred barriers to conflict resolution.Science, 317 pp. 10391040. Barnett, M. 1999. Culture, strategy and foreign policy change: Israels road to Oslo.  European Journal of International Relations, 5 (1), pp. 536. Brown, N. J. 2003.  Palestinian politics after the Oslo Accords. Berkeley: University of California Press. Celso, A. N. 2003. The Death of the Oslo Accords: Israeli Security Options in the Post-Arafat Era.  Mediterranean Quarterly, 14 (1), pp. 6784. Freedman, R. O. 1998.  The Middle East and the peace process. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. Gorelick, B. A. 2003. The Israeli Response to Palestinian Breach of the Oslo Agreements.  New Eng. J. Intl \ Comp. L., 9 pp. 651695. Hatina, M. 1999. Hamas and the Oslo Accords: religious dogma in a changing political reality.Mediterranean Politics, 4 (3), pp. 3755. Horowitz, D. 2005. Occupation and Settlement.  Discovery, 1 (2), pp. 1-5. Jones, D. 1999.  Cosmopolitan mediation?. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Kelman, H. C. 1999. The interdependence of Israeli and Palestinian national identities: The role of the other in existential conflicts.  Journal of Social Issues, 55 (3), pp. 581600. Pundak, R. 2001. From Oslo to Taba: What Went Wrong?.  Survival, 43 (3), pp. 3145. Rynhold, J. 2007. Cultural Shift and Foreign Policy Change Israel and the Making of the Oslo Accords.  Cooperation and Conflict, 42 (4), pp. 419440. Sasley, B. E. 2010. Affective attachments and foreign policy: Israel and the 1993 Oslo Accords.European Journal of International Relations, 16 (4), pp. 687709. Weinberger, P. E. 2006.  Co-opting the PLO. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books. Zureik, E. Sammy Smooha, The Orientation and Politicization of the Arab Minority in Israel, Monograph Series on the Middle East, No. 2 (Haifa: Institute of Middle East Studies, Haifa University, 1984). Pp. 230.  International Journal of Middle East Studies, 19 (02), pp. 225227. [1] Brown, N. J. 2003.  Palestinian politics after the Oslo Accords p. 7 [2] Ibid p. 9 [3] Ibid p. 10 [4] Ibid p. 10 [5] Jones, D. 1999.  Cosmopolitan mediation?. Manchester: Manchester University Press p. 131. [6] Rynhold, J. 2007. Cultural Shift and Foreign Policy Change Israel and the Making of the Oslo Accords.  p. 420 [7] Weinberger, P. E. 2006.  Co-opting the PLO.p. 17 [8] Ibid p. 17 [9] Ibid p. 18 [10] Freedman, R. O. 1998.  The Middle East and the peace process. p. 20 [11] Ibid p. 21 [12] Ibid p. 21 [13] Brown 2003 p. 9 [14] Ibid p. 10 [15] Freedman 1998 p. 20 [16] Jones 1999 p. 130 [17] Ibid p. 131 [18] Brown 2003 p. 10 [19] Kelman, H. C. 1999. The interdependence of Israeli and Palestinian national identities: The role of the other in existential conflicts. P. 581 [20] Ibid 1999 p. 582 [21] Barnett, M. 1999. Culture, strategy and foreign policy change: Israels road to Oslo.  p. 5 [22] Armstrong, K. 1996 p. 50 [23] Sasley, B. E. 2010 p. 688 [24] Hatina, M. 1999p. 38 [25] Gorelick, B. A. 2003 p. 652 [26] Ibid 2003 p. 653 [27] Celso, A. N. 2003. The Death of the Oslo Accords: Israeli Security Options in the Post-Arafat Era.p. 68 [28] Pundak, R. 2001. From Oslo to Taba: What Went Wrong? [29] Horowitz   2005 p. 2 [30] Atran, S., Axelrod, R., Davis, R. and Others. 2007. Sacred barriers to conflict resolution p. 1039 [31] Celso, A. N. 2003 p. 67 [32] Ibid p. 68 [33] Ibid p. 68 [34] Ibid. p. 69 [35] Atran et al 2007, p. 1040 [36] Ibid 2007 p. 1041 [37] Ibid 2007 p. 1042 [38] Sasley,   2010 p. 688 [39] Ibid 2010 p. 688 [40] Atran et al 2007, p. 1041